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The Secret Lives
of Liberals and Conservatives:
Personality Profiles, Interaction
Styles,
and the Things They Leave Behind
Dana R. Carney
Harvard University
John T. Jost
New York University
Samuel D. Gosling and Kate
Niederhoffer
University of Texas at Austin
Jeff Potter
Atof, Inc. Cambridge, Massachusetts
Please send editorial
correspondence to:
John T. Jost
Department of Psychology
New York University
6 Washington Place, 5th Floor
New York, NY 10003
Liberals and conservatives 1
Abstract
Seventy-five years of theory and
research on personality differences between political
liberals and conservatives has produced a long list of
dispositions, traits, and behaviors. Applying a “Five
Factor Model” framework to this yield, we find that two
traits, Openness to Experience and Conscientiousness,
parsimoniously capture many of the ways in which
individual differences underlying political orientation
have been conceptualized. In four studies we investigate
the relationship between personality and political orientation using
multiple domains and measurement techniques, including:
self-reported personality assessment; explicit beliefs,
values, and preferences; nonverbal behavior in the
context of social interaction; and personal possessions
and the characteristics of living and working spaces. We
obtained consistent and converging evidence that
personality differences between liberals and
conservatives are robust, replicable, and behaviorally
significant. In general, liberals are more open minded
in their pursuit of creativity, novelty, and diversity,
whereas conservatives seek lives that are more orderly, conventional, and
better organized.
Liberals and conservatives 2
The Secret Lives of Liberals and
Conservatives:
Personality Profiles, Interaction
Styles, and the Things They Leave Behind
For almost as long as social
scientists have located political orientation on a
single left—right (or, in the United States, a
liberal—conservative) dimension, they have speculated
about the personality characteristics that typify each
ideological pole (e.g., Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik,
Levinson, & Sanford, 1950; Costantini & Craik, 1980;
DiRenzo, 1974; Eysenck, 1954; McClosky, 1958; Tomkins,
1963). As Tetlock and Mitchell (1993) have pointed out,
it is possible to generate either flattering or
unflattering psychological portraits at either end of
the political spectrum. The important question, from a
scientific point of view, is not whether any
given theory is gratifying to left-wing or right-wing
audiences, but whether it possesses truth value.
Obtaining an accurate understanding of the personality
needs and characteristics of liberals and conservatives
has taken on added urgency in the current political
climate, in which people from liberal “blue” states find
it increasingly difficult to understand people from
conservative “red” states and vice versa (see Bishop,
2004; Rentfrow, Jost, Gosling, & Potter, 2006). In this
article, we draw on eclectic sources of data to
investigate the degree to which historical speculations
concerning the traits of liberals and conservatives
possess genuine diagnostic utility, that is, empirical
accuracy.1 We address three main questions. First, does
political orientation covary with basic personality
dimensions in the ways that have been suggested (but
rarely tested) by psychological theorists over the past
several decades? Second, what, specifically, are the
differences (as well as similarities) between liberals
and conservatives in terms of attitudes, tastes, and
preferences, and how strong are they? Third, if there are indeed
meaningful psychological differences between liberals
and conservatives, how are they manifested in daily
behavior?
Theories of Personality and
Political Orientation
Influential theories mapping
personality profiles to political ideology were
developed by Jaensch (1938), Fromm (1947, 1964), Adorno
et al. (1950), Tomkins (1963), Brown (1965), Bem (1970),
and Wilson (1973), among others. In this section, we
review a number of these perspectives, which span the
last 75 years. All of these theories assume that
specific “ideologies have for different individuals,
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